November 28th, 2006

Britain airs new photo evidence of CIA goons at RFK murder

Posted in JFK by ed

Thank god for the free press: The Guardian and Brit television last week — on the 43rd anniversary of JFK’s murder — aired new photo evidence of three CIA agents present at the Ambassador Hotel in LA when Robert Kennedy was shot there in 1968. (See the Guardian story posted as comment below.)

The three spooks are notorious and already part of the JFK literature:

– Dave Morales, a well known covert ops goon and kennedy-hater among the anti-castro cubanos in the CIA’s Miami station post Bay of Pigs. He was a protege of Barry Goldwater. Led the CIA ground troops in the overthrow of the Guatemala government in 1954. Led Bay of Pigs invaders on the beach in April 1961. And was then director of Operations (ie dirty work) in the CIA Miami station during Operation Mongoose (the harassment of Cuba post Bay of Pigs).

– George Joannides, head of the Miami station’s Psychological Operations (propaganda and similar in support of covert ops) in the early 60s, and, as such, something of a protege of E. Howard Hunt. (Hunt himself was, e.g, Psy Ops chief for the CIA overthow of the Arbenz government in Guatamala in 1954.)

– Gordon Campbell, who was deputy chief of station (to Ted Shackley) in the Miami CIA station circa 1962-63.

A. Captain Bradley E. Ayers, an Army Ranger detailed to train anti-Castro cubans working for the CIA in the early 60s, has much to say about all this — and says it clearly in his newly published book, The Zenith Secret.

Read all about it here.

Then proceed to:

B. There are a number of things to say about Joannides and the Miami station Psy Ops team of the Bay of Pigs era:

1. Hunt’s other well known underling in Psy Ops was David Atlee Phillips, who told a public hearing in the late 70s (audio tape is extant) that the CIA evidence placing Oswald at the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City weeks before the JFK murder was bogus and there was no reason to think Oswald was in Mexico.

In the weeks after the murder, this supposed connection to the Soviet Union was primary to the argument (threaded from CIA to FBI to LBJ, Congress et al.) to squash the murder investigation, for fear that Oswald ties to Soviet Union might trigger popular cry for war.

2. When Richard Helms took over the CIA in 1966 he was handed a memo by James Jesus Angleton (CIA’s housekeeping/counterintel chief) reporting that the Company had a problem: Howard Hunt was in Dallas the day JFK was shot. This fact became public when the memo was unearthed during the House Select Committe on Assassinations (“HSCA”) investigation in the late 70s. (Read Mark Lane’s Plausible Denial. A real page-turner.)

3. Joannides in the early 60s was the case officer of the “DRE” anti-castro cubano student organization that Oswald hung around with, fought with once in the streets and, it seems, was trying to infiltrate as an FBI contract agent. (That Oswald was working for FBI during his last months was a fact the Warren Commission carefully investigated and repressed, as Gerald Ford relates in Portrait of the Assassin, his memoir of service on the Warren Commission.) DRE people are often cited in the literature as foot-soldiers in the JFK murder plot.

4. In the late 70s Joannides was attached to the staff of the HSCA (which was investigating the murders of JFK, RFK and Martin Luther King) as CIA liaison. As such his job was to help the HSCA research and communicate with CIA in support of the investigations.

But in 2003 the CIA was sued re Joannides under the Freedom of Information Act by a group (including the final lead counsel of the HSCA) angry that CIA had never told the HSCA that Joannides was directly and deeply involved in the Miami station world — including as case officer to DRE cubans suspected of involvement in JFK’s murder. (See article re this 2003 FOIA suit posted as a comment below.)

So. Strange no one has ever noticed Morales or Joannides in these films from the RFK murder before. But from the Guardian account, at least, the picture seems clear. Thank goodness old English liberties are still alive across the pond.

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3 comments

  1. ed says:

    Did the CIA kill Bobby Kennedy?

    by Shane O’Sullivan

    THE GUARDIAN — November 22, 2006

    In 1968, Robert Kennedy seemed likely to follow his brother, John, into the White House. Then, on June 6, he was assassinated – apparently by a lone gunman. But Shane O’Sullivan says he has evidence implicating three CIA agents in the murder

    At first, it seems an open-and-shut case. On June 5 1968, Robert Kennedy wins the California Democratic primary and is set to challenge Richard Nixon for the White House. After midnight, he finishes his victory speech at the Ambassador hotel in Los Angeles and is shaking hands with kitchen staff in a crowded pantry when 24-year-old Palestinian Sirhan Sirhan steps down from a tray-stacker with a “sick, villainous smile” on his face and starts firing at Kennedy with an eight-shot revolver.

    As Kennedy lies dying on the pantry floor, Sirhan is arrested as the lone assassin. He carries the motive in his shirt-pocket (a clipping about Kennedy’s plans to sell bombers to Israel) and notebooks at his house seem to incriminate him.

    But the autopsy report suggests Sirhan could not have fired the shots that killed Kennedy. Witnesses place Sirhan’s gun several feet in front of Kennedy, but the fatal bullet is fired from one inch behind. And more bullet-holes are found in the pantry than Sirhan’s gun can hold, suggesting a second gunman is involved.

    Sirhan’s notebooks show a bizarre series of “automatic writing” – “RFK must die RFK must be killed – Robert F Kennedy must be assassinated before 5 June 68″ – and even under hypnosis, he has never been able to remember shooting Kennedy. He recalls “being led into a dark place by a girl who wanted coffee”, then being choked by an angry mob. Defence psychiatrists conclude he was in a trance at the time of the shooting and leading psychiatrists suggest he may have be a hypnotically programmed assassin.

    Three years ago, I started writing a screenplay about the assassination of Robert Kennedy, caught up in a strange tale of second guns and “Manchurian candidates” (as the movie termed brainwashed assassins).

    As I researched the case, I uncovered new video and photographic evidence suggesting that three senior CIA operatives were behind the killing. I did not buy the official ending that Sirhan acted alone, and started dipping into the nether-world of “assassination research”, crossing paths with David Sanchez Morales, a fearsome Yaqui Indian.

    Morales was a legendary figure in CIA covert operations. According to close associate Tom Clines, if you saw Morales walking down the street in a Latin American capital, you knew a coup was about to happen.

    When the subject of the Kennedys came up in a late-night session with friends in 1973, Morales launched into a tirade that finished: “I was in Dallas when we got the son of a bitch and I was in Los Angeles when we got the little bastard.” From this line grew my odyssey into the spook world of the 60s and the secrets behind the death of Bobby Kennedy.

    Working from a Cuban photograph of Morales from 1959, I viewed news coverage of the assassination to see if I could spot the man the Cubans called El Gordo – The Fat One. Fifteen minutes in, there he was, standing at the back of the ballroom, in the moments between the end of Kennedy’s speech and the shooting. Thirty minutes later, there he was again, casually floating around the darkened ballroom while an associate with a pencil moustache took notes.

    The source of early research on Morales was Bradley Ayers, a retired US army captain who had been seconded to JM-Wave, the CIA’s Miami base in 1963, to work closely with chief of operations Morales on training Cuban exiles to run sabotage raids on Castro. I tracked Ayers down to a small town in Wisconsin and emailed him stills of Morales and another guy I found suspicious – a man who is pictured entering the ballroom from the direction of the pantry moments after the shooting, clutching a small container to his body, and being waved towards an exit by a Latin associate.

    Ayers’ response was instant. He was 95% sure that the first figure was Morales and equally sure that the other man was Gordon Campbell, who worked alongside Morales at JM-Wave in 1963 and was Ayers’ case officer shortly before the JFK assassination.

    I put my script aside and flew to the US to interview key witnesses for a documentary on the unfolding story. In person, Ayers positively identified Morales and Campbell and introduced me to David Rabern, a freelance operative who was part of the Bay of Pigs invasion force in 1961 and was at the Ambassador hotel that night.

    He did not know Morales and Campbell by name but saw them talking to each other out in the lobby before the shooting and assumed they were Kennedy’s security people. He also saw Campbell around police stations three or four times in the year before Robert Kennedy was shot.

    This was odd. The CIA had no domestic jurisdiction and Morales was stationed in Laos in 1968. With no secret service protection for presidential candidates in those days, Kennedy was guarded by unarmed Olympic decathlete champion Rafer Johnson and football tackler Rosey Grier – no match for an expert assassination team.

    Trawling through microfilm of the police investigation, I found further photographs of Campbell with a third figure, standing centre-stage in the Ambassador hotel hours before the shooting. He looked Greek, and I suspected he might be George Joannides, chief of psychological warfare operations at JM-Wave. Joannides was called out of retirement in 1978 to act as the CIA liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) investigating the death of John F Kennedy.

    Ed Lopez, now a respected lawyer at Cornell University, came into close contact with Joann-des when he was a young law student working for the committee. We visit him and show him the photograph and he is 99% sure it is Joannides. When I tell him where it was taken, he is not surprised: “If these guys decided you were bad, they acted on it.

    We move to Washington to meet Wayne Smith, a state department official for 25 years who knew Morales well at the US embassy in Havana in 1959-60. When we show him the video in the ballroom, his response is instant: “That’s him, that’s Morales.” He remembers Morales at a cocktail party in Buenos Aires in 1975, saying Kennedy got what was coming to him. Is there a benign explanation for his presence? For Kennedy’s security, maybe? Smith laughs. Morales is the last person you would want to protect Bobby Kennedy, he says. He hated the Kennedys, blaming their lack of air support for the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961.

    We meet Clines in a hotel room near CIA headquarters. He does not want to go on camera and brings a friend, which is a little unnerving. Clines remembers “Dave” fondly. The guy in the video looks like Morales but it is not him, he says: “This guy is fatter and Morales walked with more of a slouch and his tie down.” To me, the guy in the video does walk with a slouch and his tie is down.

    Clines says he knew Joannides and Campbell and it is not them either, but he fondly remembers Ayers bringing snakes into JM-Wave to scare the secretaries and seems disturbed at Smith’s identification of Morales. He does not discourage our investigation and suggests others who might be able to help. A seasoned journalist cautions that he would expect Clines “to blow smoke”, and yet it seems his honest opinion.

    As we leave Los Angeles, I tell the immigration officer that I am doing a story on Bobby Kennedy. She has seen the advertisements for the new Emilio Estevez movie about the assassination, Bobby. “Who do you think did it? I think it was the Mob,” she says before I can answer.

    “I definitely think it was more than one man,” I say, discreetly.

    Morales died of a heart attack in 1978, weeks before he was to be called before the HSCA. Joannides died in 1990. Campbell may still be out there somewhere, in his early 80s. Given the positive identifications we have gathered on these three, the CIA and the Los Angeles Police Department need to explain what they were doing there. Lopez believes the CIA should call in and interview everybody who knew them, disclose whether they were on a CIA operation and, if not, why they were there that night.

    Today would have been Robert Kennedy’s 81st birthday. The world is crying out for a compassionate leader like him. If dark forces were behind his elimination, it needs to be investigated

    — Shane O’Sullivan’s investigation will be shown tonight on Newsnight, BBC2, 10.30pm.

    (End of Guardian story)

    November 28th, 2006 at 2:44 pm

  2. ed says:

    Here is the December 2003 article re FOIA suit against CIA re life & times of George Joannides:

    Celebrated Authors Demand that CIA Come Clean on JFK assassination — Gerald Posner, Norman Mailer and Don DeLillo back lawsuit to open secret files on CIA mystery man tied to Lee Harvey Oswald.

    By Jefferson Morley

    December 17, 2003

    A diverse group of authors and legal experts have announced their support for a lawsuit that demands the release of secret CIA records related to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

    At issue in the suit, filed Tuesday in Washington, are records on the unexplained role of a Miami-based undercover CIA agent named George Joannides in the months prior to Kennedy’s murder on Nov. 22, 1963.

    The authors supporting the suit include anti-conspiracist Gerald Posner, author of the 1993 book “Case Closed,” and Norman Mailer and Don DeLillo, two leading novelists who have explored the mysteries surrounding accused JFK assassin Lee Harvey Oswald.

    Also backing the lawsuit are legal experts G. Robert Blakey, the former chief counsel of the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which in the late 1970s investigated Kennedy’s death, and John Tunheim, a federal judge who chaired the Assassination Records Review Board of the mid-1990s.

    The authors and experts differ on who was responsible for the president’s murder, but all agree that the CIA must now come clean about Joannides, a career spy who died in 1990.

    In 1963 Joannides served as chief of the CIA’s anti-Castro “psychological warfare” operations in Miami. According to declassified CIA records corroborated by interviews, Joannides secretly financed exiled Cuban agents who collected intelligence on Lee Harvey Oswald three months before Kennedy was killed.

    Fifteen years later, Joannides was called out of retirement by the CIA to serve as the agency’s liaison to the House committee looking into Kennedy’s assassination. While working with the committee, the spy withheld information about his own actions in 1963 from the congressional investigators he was supposed to be assisting. It wasn’t until 2001, 38 years after Kennedy’s death, that Joannides’ support for the Cuban exiles, who clashed with Oswald and monitored him, came to light.

    “[Joannides'] behavior was criminal,” said Blakey, the former House committee counsel who was deceived by the CIA agent. “He obstructed our investigation.”

    “The agency is stonewalling,” said Posner, whose bestselling book supported the Warren Commission’s finding that Oswald, alone and unaided, killed Kennedy. “It’s a perfect example of why the public has so little trust in the CIA’s willingness to be truthful.”

    Anthony Summers, a former BBC journalist and the author of “Not in Your Lifetime,” a bestseller that presents strong evidence of a JFK conspiracy, sees the Joannides case as “new evidence of CIA subterfuge — perhaps the most blatant such evidence.”

    “The agency should come completely clean,” said Tunheim, the federal judge in Minnesota who oversaw the panel that declassified 4 million pages of once-secret JFK records.

    Tom Crispell, spokesman for the CIA, insisted that the agency is “absolutely not stonewalling.” While declining to answer questions about Joannides’ actions in 1963 and 1978, Crispell said the CIA has made public “all known records” about Joannides that are relevant to the Kennedy assassination story.

    The lawsuit, which Washington lawyer Jim Lesar filed on my behalf this week, calls for the agency to release all records on Joannides, who died in 1990. Joannides’ story first came to light in a story I wrote about him for the Miami New Times in April 2001. Posner picked up on the story in a piece for Newsweek last month. Leading newspapers in Greece advanced the story with front-page coverage on the 40th anniversary of Kennedy’s death, examining “the shadowy role of a Greek-American CIA agent,” namely, Joannides.

    In the current issue of the New York Review of Books, a group of 13 writers both pro- and anti-conspiracy, who have published works about JFK’s death — including Posner, Mailer, DeLillo, Blakey and Summers, as well as Nixon White House speechwriter Richard Whalen — signed an open letter calling on the CIA and the Defense Department to release all records on Joannides. The deceased spy’s story is “highly relevant” to the assassination, according to Judge Tunheim.

    George Efthyron Joannides was a dapper, multilingual CIA man from New York City. The son of a prominent Greek-American journalist, he had dabbled in journalism and law before joining the CIA in 1951. After a decade of service in Athens, he came to the attention of then deputy CIA director Richard Helms. In 1962, Helms took over the agency’s clandestine efforts to overthrow Castro. He sent Joannides, 41 at the time, to oversee a staff of 24 and a budget of $2.4 million (equivalent to $15 million today) dedicated to mounting covert operations designed to confuse and subvert the Cuban communists.

    Chief among the spy’s specific duties in mid-1963 was the handling of the Cuban Student Directorate (DRE), one of the biggest and most active CIA-backed groups in Miami. Once upon a time the DRE was as well known to North American newspaper readers as the Iraqi National Congress is today. With 2,500 supporters and flattering coverage in Life magazine and the right-wing press, the young men of the directorate were at the forefront of the fight to eliminate Fidel Castro.

    In August 1963, the DRE’s large and effective network of chapters in North America first picked up on a leftist adventurer named Lee Harvey Oswald. According to a CIA memo found at the JFK Library, Joannides was giving $25,000 a month (about $147,000 in today’s dollars) to the DRE at the time when the group’s New Orleans delegation decided to collect intelligence on and publish propaganda about Oswald, a Castro supporter who had once lived in the Soviet Union.

    The DRE acted after Oswald had seemingly attempted to infiltrate the group. On Aug. 5, 1963, he approached the DRE’s delegation in New Orleans offering to train its anti-Castro fighters in military tactics. Then, a few days later, he inexplicably turned up handing out pro-Castro pamphlets on a street corner. DRE members accosted him, resulting in a confrontation that was broken up by the police. The DRE’s local delegate, Carlos Bringuier, challenged Oswald to a debate on a local radio program, then sent a tape of the program to the DRE’s Miami headquarters. The group also issued a press release calling for a congressional investigation of Oswald — then still an entirely obscure figure.

    Joannides’ attitude toward all this activity is unknown, even though CIA officers working with Cuban exile groups were required to file monthly reports on their protégés. Joannides’ action reports from 1963 are missing from CIA archives, the agency’s Office of Historic Review has claimed.

    Three months later, when Oswald was arrested in Dallas for the assassination, the DRE leaders in Miami immediately called Joannides. They then launched their second publicity offensive on Oswald in three months — only now the former Marine was world famous.

    The anti-communist activists called the New York Times and other news organizations, telling the story of Oswald’s seemingly pro-Castro ways. Thus it was that the DRE, a CIA-funded organization, helped shape news coverage suggesting that Kennedy had been killed by a Castro supporter.

    George Joannides, in short, was a spy working near the epicenter of world history. In Washington, there were suspicions of conspiracy, even fears of war with Cuba or the Soviet Union. Attorney General Bobby Kennedy initially suspected CIA-backed Cubans were behind his brother’s murder.

    In Dallas, Oswald denied the charges. “I’m just a patsy,” he shouted to reporters at the Dallas City Jail.

    The next day in Havana, Fidel Castro mobilized his armed forces and denounced the DRE’s story as a CIA provocation designed to justify an invasion of Cuba. The revelation of Joannides’ work with the DRE lends belated credence to Castro’s charge.

    Then the assassin was assassinated. On the morning of Nov. 24, 1963, as the national television audience watched Oswald being transferred to a more secure jail, Jack Ruby, a Dallas nightclub owner connected to organized crime, whose best friend was a Havana casino operator embittered by Castro’s rise to power, stepped out of the crowd and shot Oswald dead.

    In Miami, Joannides continued to work with the DRE. He received a copy of the tape the group had made of Oswald’s pro-Castro remarks. In the DRE’s newspaper, paid for with CIA funds, the student leaders promoted the conspiratorial scenario that Oswald and Castro were “the presumed assassins.” They instructed their chapters in South America to promote the Oswald-Castro connection in their local media.

    Five days after the assassination the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), meeting in executive session, decided it wanted to take testimony from three DRE leaders. At the same time, Joannides was giving two of the anti-Castro activists CIA funds to get out of the country. They went to Central America. A week later, the DRE’s HUAC appearance was canceled.

    After Kennedy was killed, Joannides’ patron, Helms, shielded the Joannides mission to Miami from review. He did not disclose to the Warren Commission that Joannides’ exiled Cuban agents had had pre-assassination contact with Oswald.

    The available record shows that Joannides received high praise from his superiors for his work in 1963. His job evaluation for that year made no mention of Oswald or the Kennedy assassination, but the CIA’s Miami station chief Ted Shackley specifically cited Joannides’ handling of the propaganda efforts of the Cuban Student Directorate in awarding him the highest possible grades. Shackley concluded that Joannides had proven he could “translate policy directives into meaningful action programs.”

    Joannides went on to serve in Athens, where according to recent Greek press reports, he played a role in the political machinations that led to the CIA-backed military coup in 1967. He also served in Saigon during the Vietnam War, then returned to Washington, where he retired to a modest home in Potomac, Md.

    In 1978, Joannides suddenly reappeared in the JFK assassination story. His return is what especially intrigues scholars of the assassination.

    By the late 1970s, the CIA had fallen into political disfavor in Washington. Revelations about Richard Helms’ role in plotting to kill Castro and other foreign leaders had prompted Congress to take another look at the Kennedy assassination. In May 1978 Joannides was called out of retirement by CIA general counsel Scott Breckinridge. His assignment: to serve as the CIA’s liaison to the House Select Committee on Assassinations, which had been charged with reopening the investigation into the murders of Kennedy and civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.

    Breckinridge told me in an interview before his death in 2000 that he did not know of Joannides’ 1963 assignment when he chose him for the liaison job.

    As he worked with House Assassinations Committee investigators, Joannides again concealed the involvement of his Cuban operatives with Oswald not long before Kennedy’s murder. He withheld all records concerning his relationship with the DRE, even when they were specifically requested, according to a log that he kept. The log is now in the National Archives.

    “The fact that the CIA didn’t tell the committee everything in his background suggests that the purpose of his assignment might have been to protect information, not share it,” said Tunheim, the Assassination Records Review Board chair.

    Blakey, the Notre Dame law professor who served as the House committee’s chief counsel, now says Joannides was guilty of obstructing Congress. “The law says that anyone who corruptly endeavors to influence, obstruct or impede the exercise of the power of inquiry by [Congress] is guilty of a felony, punishable by up to five years in prison. That’s exactly what he did. He did not give us the information that was manifestly relevant.”

    The House Assassination Committee’s final report, released in 1979, concluded that Kennedy had been killed by Oswald and other conspirators who could not be identified. In the report, Blakey vouched for the CIA’s cooperation with the congressional inquiry. He now says he was wrong.

    When asked if Blakey had misstated any facts about Joannides’ tenure as liaison to the House committee, CIA spokesman Crispell replied, “We are not going to debate Mr. Blakey.”

    “The JFK records review board examined the issue of Mr. Joannides’ work with the [committee] in 1998,” he stated.

    Tunheim, chair of Assassination Records Review Board from 1994 to 1998, when it issued its final report, disputed Crispell’s assertion. He said the board had merely identified Joannides and declassified a handful of documents from his personnel file.

    “We did not consider the matter of his obstructing Congress one way or the other,” he said. “I don’t think we knew enough about Joannides at that point to assess his significance. If the board was in existence now, we would certainly pursue it.”

    Blakey says Joannides deceived him, and he remains angry about it 25 years later. “When Congress opened its investigation, we were especially interested in the DRE because they had pre-assassination contact with Oswald,” Blakey said. “That Joannides never told us those were his people just makes me go ballistic. He was a material witness. He shouldn’t have been the liaison. He should have been interviewed under oath.”

    Blakey does not believe Joannides was part of a conspiracy to kill Kennedy. He speculates that the CIA man learned something about Oswald that was innocent but difficult to explain when Kennedy was killed.

    Dan Hardway, a lawyer in North Carolina who worked as one of Blakey’s investigators in 1978, is more suspicious. While attempting to review CIA records relevant to Kennedy’s death, Hardway had regular contact with Joannides. He often complained to Blakey that Joannides was deliberately hindering his efforts. Hardway had several angry confrontations with the uncooperative CIA man — never suspecting Joannides was concealing his own personal knowledge of the events of 1963.

    “Now there is no doubt in my mind that Joannides deliberately hid evidence of an assassination conspiracy from us,” Hardway said in a telephone interview.

    In Miami, the former leaders of the Cuban Student Directorate who worked with Joannides in 1963 remember him with respect. Forty years ago, they were passionate young freedom fighters striving to save Cuba from communism. Now they are successful businessmen and professionals in Miami. They recall a close but combative relationship with the CIA man they knew as “Howard.”

    “He was an impressive man in many ways,” said Luis Fernandez Rocha, a physician who served as the titular leader of the DRE in 1963 and met often with Joannides. “He had clout. He could make decisions on the spot.”

    The former DRE leaders deny any knowledge of or role in a conspiracy to kill Kennedy. They differ on whether their CIA handler was aware of the group’s contacts with Lee Harvey Oswald in August 1963.

    Bringuier says he did not know Joannides and never spoke to him.

    Fernandez Rocha says he “does not recall” talking to the CIA man about the former Marine who attempted to infiltrate the DRE.

    Isidro Borja, an engineer who was active in the DRE’s military efforts, says that he is “certain” that “Howard” was aware of the group’s efforts to expose Oswald as a pro-Castro sympathizer in August 1963.

    Whatever Joannides knew about Oswald before the assassination, he took the secret to his grave in 1990. But despite the CIA’s denials, assassination researchers suspect that records still locked away at the agency might shed light on the subject.

    “It is unfortunate that litigation is necessary to force the Central Intelligence Agency to provide documents and information that the public has a right to know,” said Posner.

    (End of Morley 2003 article.  But also see his precedent piece re same from 2001 at The Miami New Times.)

    November 28th, 2006 at 2:46 pm

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